Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita quietly cast off
the shadow of a dynamic predecessor during his first year in
office, but now faces two major tests: a political scandal and the
approaching death of Emperor Hirohito.
   Takeshita is undynamic even by Japanese political standards. He
minimizes conflicts by seldom speaking out, and waits until a
consensus has formed before making political moves.
   His approach is a sharp contrast to the flamboyant
self-confidence of his predecessor, Yasuhiro Nakasone, who became
one of the few Japanese political leaders with a strong image
abroad.
   Takeshita's approach ``is a return to the traditional Japanese
political style,'' says Yozo Yokota, professor of international law
at International Christian University in Tokyo.
   ``Nakasone was outward-looking, but not so good at gathering
support within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party,'' he said.
``Takeshita is the reverse. He spends time listening to various
views in the party and then seeks a consensus. He doesn't have his
own policies or philosophy.''
   During his first year as prime minister _ Thursday is the
anniversary _ Takeshita has weathered two political crises,
announced an expansion of Japan's diplomatic activities, dealt with
two major trade disputes and presided over a vigorous economic
recovery.
   Now, however, the 64-year-old leader faces a growing
stock-trading scandal involving top politicians and the inevitable
death of Hirohito, who has been gravely ill since September.
   The trading scandal involves shares in the Recruit-Cosmos real
estate company reportedly sold at low prices to dozens of prominent
politicians, business leaders and journalists before the stock was
publicly traded. When public trading began, the value of the shares
shot upward and the recipients made large profits.
   Takeshita, Nakasone, Finance Minister Kiichi Miyazawa and other
top officials acknowledged some aides bought Recuit-Cosmos shares,
but said they did not know about it.
   Government officials have said the transactions were legal but
opposition parties claim they were unethical and have demanded a
parliamentary investigation.
   If Japan's a parliament, the Diet, investigates the stock
scandal, one test of Takeshita's command will be whether he can
prevent it from spreading into other areas of political financing.
   ``There are a lot more disclosures to come,'' said Gregory
Clark, professor of Japanese studies at Sophia University in Tokyo.
   The approaching death of Hirohito, 87, is an emotional issue for
the nation.
   Japan has not experienced the death of an emperor under its
postwar constitution, which separates religion and the state.
Takeshita's government must decide how to handle the many
traditional Shinto-based funeral and related ceremonies.
   Some Japanese continue to link the imperial system with rightist
politics and militarism, and see the transition as a critical
period.
   Takeshita used adroit behind-the-scenes dealings and great skill
at manipulating the party bureaucracy to work his way up through
the ranks, and became leader of the largest faction of the
governing Liberal Democrats in 1987.
   While Nakasone often tried to circumvent government and party
structures by establishing special study commissions and advisory
groups, Takeshita has reaffirmed the role of bureaucrats, with whom
he feels comfortable.
   On U.S. demands for access to the Japanese public works
construction market, Takeshita gave complete negotiating authority
to Ichiro Ozawa, deputy chief Cabinet secretary. The dispute, which
dragged on for more than 1{ years and came to symbolize trade
differences between the two nations, was settled in March with
concessions from powerful Japanese industry groups.
   He also delegated negotiating power in talks on a U.S. demand
that Japan eliminate import restrictions on beef and oranges.
   Trade friction has declined during Takeshita's tenure because of
slower growth in exports attributable to the yen's higher value.
   In two crises during his first year in office, Takeshita took
little direct action, allowing both to run their course until the
people involved resigned.
   One concerned Seisuke Okuno, head of the National Land Agency,
who caused protests from abroad by saying that Japan was not the
aggressor in World War II. The other involved Koichi Hamada, head
of the powerful lower house Budget Committee, who called an
opposition politician a murderer.
   In foreign policy, Takeshita was widely expected to remain under
the influence of Nakasone, who took a special interest in the
field. Instead, he has traveled widely to build his own
international reputation, including trips to Southeast Asia, North
America, Europe, the Pacific, South Korea and China.
   In June, at the Toronto summit of Western leaders, Takeshita
pledged that Japan would expand its international political and
diplomatic role and increase foreign aid over five years to the
equivalent of $50 billion, which would make it the world's largest
donor.